On his initial day returning to the White House, Donald Trump was approached by journalists who inquired about his potential first trip abroad. The US president viewed this as a chance to exhibit his negotiation skills and elaborate on how he would persuade Saudi Arabia to invest significant sums into the US economy.
Typically, US presidents choose Canada, Mexico, or the UK as their first international destinations, but Trump broke the mold by visiting Saudi Arabia in May 2017. Shortly after his second inauguration, he suggested the idea of revisiting the kingdom—conditional upon substantial financial commitments from them. He mentioned, “I did it with Saudi Arabia last time because they agreed to purchase $450 billion worth of our products. If Saudi Arabia wanted to buy another $450 billion or $500 billion – we will adjust for inflation – I think I’d probably go.”
Just a few days later, on January 23, Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman of Saudi Arabia made an even more enticing proposal, offering to invest $600 billion in the US economy over four years.
However, the spotlight quickly shifted to the numerous executive orders and budget cuts introduced by Trump shortly after taking office. It became evident that his first state visit would hinge on financial agreements. Although he asserts that his primary goal is to foster economic agreements that benefit American citizens, this trip also aims to strengthen ties with regional leaders and generate opportunities for his family business.
Trump repeated his choice of Saudi Arabia as the first stop on his state visit to the Middle East. After landing in the kingdom this Tuesday, he plans to visit two nearby Gulf nations: Qatar and the United Arab Emirates. Though Trump briefly traveled to the Vatican last month for Pope Francis’s funeral, this does not count as a formal state visit by an American president. The allure of the Gulf states—with their substantial oil and gas wealth and investment-driven sovereign funds—clearly outweighs Trump’s interest in neighboring nations such as Canada and Mexico, or traditional allies including the UK.
During his first term, Trump often emphasized his administration’s role in brokering economic agreements with Saudi Arabia, such as the celebrated $110 billion arms deal revealed during his visit eight years ago. Nevertheless, many of these arrangements were preliminary, and a section of the military equipment that Saudi Arabia intended to purchase had already been arranged during Barack Obama’s administration.
While the actual significance of investments from Saudi Arabia and other Gulf states in the US economy remains ambiguous, their dealings with Trump’s family business and its overseas associates are concretely substantial. The president will be visiting three nations that all feature Trump-branded properties or ongoing real estate ventures, including hotels and golf resorts valued in the billions. He will engage with foreign leaders who can influence decisions impacting the Trump Organization’s investments and affiliations with firms linked to Gulf Arab governments or their sovereign wealth funds, raising serious ethical concerns regarding potential conflicts of interest.
Below is an overview of significant agreements and ongoing initiatives in Saudi Arabia, Qatar, and the UAE involving Trump’s family business:
Saudi Arabia
In Saudi Arabia, the Trump Organization has entered into branding agreements for two real estate projects, including a Trump Tower in Riyadh and another residential tower in Jeddah valued at $530 million. The deals, disclosed a month after Trump secured his second term, do not necessitate any financial contributions from the Trump family business for the development of the towers but will generate millions in licensing income. These projects are led by Dar Global, a subsidiary of Dar Al Arkan, one of Saudi Arabia’s largest real estate developers, which relies heavily on contracts from the Saudi government and the prince’s support as he advances his Vision 2030 plan aimed at diversifying the Saudi economy.
Moreover, Trump’s business has recently partnered with the LIV Golf League, funded by Saudi Arabia’s sovereign wealth fund. Following the January 2021 storming of the US Capitol, Trump-owned enterprises lost numerous real estate and golfing sponsorship agreements. However, Saudi leaders remained loyal and agreed to host the LIV golf tour at several of Trump’s US golf courses, yielding millions in revenue during his time out of office.
Qatar
In Qatar, the Trump Organization recently revealed plans for a new golf resort and real estate development in collaboration with a government-owned developer. The project, named the Trump International Golf Club & Villas, will feature an 18-hole golf course, a clubhouse, and beachfront Trump-branded villas located approximately 40 km from Doha. Qatar has been a longstanding ally of the US and is home to the largest US military base in the Middle East. This endeavor marks another branding agreement for Trump, where financial investment from his business is not required but will yield millions in branding and management fees once operational.
The involvement of Qatari Diar, a real estate firm founded by Qatar’s sovereign wealth fund, raises further questions about potential violations of the US Constitution’s emoluments clause—is a clause that prevents the president from receiving payments or significant gifts from foreign leaders without Congressional approval. Trump’s family business reportedly garnered $7.8 million from 20 foreign governments during his first term, as per a Congressional Democratic report last year, while watchdog organizations estimated this figure to be as high as $13.6 million—raising alarms about the likelihood of exceeding these amounts during his current term as his sons engage in additional international agreements similar to those with Gulf nations.
United Arab Emirates
In the UAE, the Trump Organization operates the Trump International Golf Club in Dubai, which opened during his first term in 2017. This project has been part of a long-term collaboration between Trump and Hussain Sajwani, a Dubai-based billionaire and founder of Damac Properties. Although plans for a second Trump-branded golf resort in Dubai have faced delays, the Trump family business is proceeding with other ventures in the UAE, including a $1 billion Trump International Hotel and Tower under construction by Dar Global, the Saudi-owned developer. Luxury apartments in this incomplete tower—featuring what the developer claims will be “the highest outdoor pool in the world” with views of Dubai’s Burj Khalifa—are already listed for prices reaching up to $20 million.
Additionally, the Trump family’s transactions with Gulf Arab leaders extend beyond real estate and golf events. On May 1, Eric Trump, the president’s middle son managing the Trump Organization, along with his business associate Zach Witkoff, announced a significant new cryptocurrency venture linked to an investment fund supported by the Abu Dhabi government. This fund aims to invest $2 billion using a digital currency linked to their family’s crypto business.
Such arrangements could potentially generate hundreds of millions in revenue for the Trump family, establishing connections to a foreign government and a longtime American ally.
It raises the question: is it unexpected for Trump to utilize his first major overseas journey of the new term to reward leaders from nations making considerable investments that ultimately benefit his family’s enterprises? Given the minimal repercussions, foreign leaders may be eager to engage in Trump’s questionable political practices.
Mohamad Bazzi is the director of the Hagop Kevorkian Center for Near Eastern Studies, and an associate professor of journalism at New York University.